What can Libdems and Labour learn from changing polls?
23% voted for the Libdems at the election in May. Around half that number currently say that they will vote for the party again in most polls.
The latest ComRes poll shows that remaining LibDems are equally divided over whether the cuts are too quick and too harsh, with most believing the government is failing in its promise to cut fairly. Conservatives are much happier with the government’s strategy. I look at the detail of still loyal LibDem opinion in a Next Left blog-post.
This suggests it could be useful to think about three different groups when thinking about what has happened to LibDem support in the last six months, and what it means for the future.
The “lost LibDems” are the largest of the three groups: over 10% of the electorate as a whole; somewhere around half of the May 2010 LibDem vote. These are disillusioned voters who currently say that they do not plan to vote for the party again. (There are stronger and weaker versions of this sentiment). Around two-thirds of these voters now say they will vote Labour.
We should differentiate more, among remaining LibDem supporters, between two groups. These may fluctuate but are probably of roughly similar size – with each tending to be perhaps a point or two over 5% of the overall electorate.
So second, are the “anxious LibDems” – those who currently think they may well stick with their May 2010 choice next time around, yet who are uncertain or unhappy about the overall direction of the Coalition government (having mostly supported the decision to form it in the circumstances back in May).
While currently planning to vote LibDem again, they are more likely to agree with Labour and “lost LibDems” on several key issues, including the government’s economic strategy and the scale and speed of its spending cuts.
Finally, the “content LibDems: these are May 2010 voters who are sticking with the party, and broadly supportive of the major decisions which the party has taken within the Coalition. The “contents” make up around half of those currently planning to vote for the party at the next General Election.
Clearly, the boundaries between the three groups are porous. Whether the “anxious” or “contents” are larger group depends on how the boundary is defined. A slim majority of remaining LibDems express approval of the government’s record overall, while at the same time a slim majority don’t think the spending plans are fair, so there is a group which remains supportive overall while being anxious about economics and public spending.
YouGov (18th November) shows 60% of those still with the LibDems approve of the government’s overall record (25% disapprove and 15% don’t know). (Among LibDem 2010 voters, overall approval breaks 40-48 against, due to the lost LibDems). By contrast, the government has positive approval by 88% to 5% among those planning to vote Conservative, and negative disapproval by 85% to 5% among those planning to vote Labour.
In the ComRes poll (with the LibDems on 13%), only a third of those sticking with the LibDems think the government is cutting fairly, with remaining LibDems are equally divided on whether the cuts are too harsh and too quick or not.

Overall, this segmentation could be useful for three audiences.
Firstly, this helps to explain generally why approval of the government, and support on key issues, tends to be significantly lower than party support for the Coalition parties. The joint Conservative and LibDem poll rating tends to be around 50%; overall government approval is now steadily established as negative.
Secondly, for LibDems who want to halt or reverse the party’s decline, the analysis suggests that the party is going to be in trouble even with still loyal voters (never mind winning back lost voters) without mounting a more assertive challenge from within the Coalition.
This evidence ought to strengthen the advocacy of the “LibDem left”, such as the grassroots Social Liberal Forum, and perhaps the balance of power between the Cabinet LibDems and backbenchers like Tim Farron and Simon Hughes. (For the LibDem right to contest that, they may need to demonstrate that the party has the potential to pick up significant numbers of pro-government voters by competing with the Conservatives. So far, there is very little sign of that).
Thirdly, the analysis should be of interest to other parties – particularly Labour, but also the Greens – primarily interested in competing with the LibDems for voters. The views of current LibDem voters suggests that as large a segment of 15% or more of the overall electorate consists of 2010 LibDem voters who may well be thinking about the merits of rival parties.
Labour will need to hold “lost LibDems” but will also want to further appeal to “anxious LibDems” to come over. It will be worth looking, where “anxious LibDems” who broadly agree with Labour on fairness and the economy, at what other issues (probably including civil liberties and political reform) remain the most significant barriers to switching to Labour.
However, I would not be surprised if Labour – at some point in the next year – were to begin a futile internal debate about whether its best route back to government involves trying to win voters from the Conservatives OR from the LibDems. (Labour, since 2005, has been plagued by electoral strategy debates where it seems to be taken as axiomatic that appealing to any particular voter must mean losing support elsewhere).
A party which won 29% last time would be daft to think such a debate defines a serious strategic choice. Labour’s share of the vote fell from 44% in 1997 to 29% last time, while the Conservative share rose 5.5% and the LibDem share just over 6%.
Any strategy which can not take votes from both governing parties is very unlikely to return Labour to power.
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Sunder Katwala is a regular contributor to Liberal Conspiracy. He is the director of British Future, a think-tank addressing identity and integration, migration and opportunity. He was formerly secretary-general of the Fabian Society.
· Other posts by Sunder Katwala
Story Filed Under: Blog ,Realpolitik ,Westminster
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Reader comments
It would be interesting to see how many of the ‘lost’ LibDem voters were merely tactical voters who actually support a party in third place or lower in their constituency and leant the LibDems their support as an ‘anti-tory’ vote and now see what that has led to.
I think it may be higher than some commentators imagine as LibDem targetting is ruthless with them ignoring seats they cannot win.
1
I imagine it would be a large % of the “lost” LibDems, with the majority being left of centre voters who voted LD to keep the Tory out in their constituency and fewer being Tories voting LD to keep Labour out.
Not that it helped in my constituency sadly….the Tory vote still exceeded all the others combined
“Clearly, the boundaries between the three groups are porous” is fair but does not really go far enough. The boundaries between all political groups are becoming porous. Voters are more and more apathetic towards an increasingly bland and spineless collection of career politicians who appear to be running the country on behalf of minority special interest groups. It is clearly pointless choosing between the person in the yellow rosette and the one in red or blue because voters get the same feeble government whatever they choose. I think that outside the tiny decreasing minority who are actually members of the three main parties, most voters don’t care for party politics at all. Personally I don’t think that it should be about trying to take voters from one or another party. It should be about offering the people a way out of this malaise, putting them first and ceasing the tedious tendency to treat them as statistics to be manipulated in the name of hollow political victories.
Galen10:
“Not that it helped in my constituency sadly….the Tory vote still exceeded all the others combined”
Same here. It’s depressing to think that more than half the people who bothered to vote put an X next to the name of my useless MP.
4
I suppose that’s part of my “enthusiasm” (altho in truth it’s only one and half cheers rather than three) for voting reform and the referendum, even if it IS only AV: I just hope it shakes things up a bit and makes it more difficult for established parties. Seems to me that it’s about time they all got a really good kick up the arse. Disappointed as I am by the outcome of the last GE and the LD’s role in the Coalition, if it does actually result in a yes vote to AV they will at least have achieved something.
There is a 4th group, lib dem converts people attracted to lib dems because they have entered coalition and therefore responsibility. It is wrong to think that all the traffic is an outward flow.
6
I’m sure the LD’s will be overjoyed to welcome a convert….but their joy may be tempered somewhat by the fact that it’s a six lane motorway in the outward direction, and a jungle track on the inward direction!
“Firstly, this helps to explain generally why approval of the government, and support on key issues, tends to be significantly lower than party support for the Coalition parties.”
A much more major part of this, however, as pointed out by Anthony Wells at UK Polling Report, is that voting intention is rebalanced to exclude “don’t know” and “wouldn’t vote” answers (which make up around a quarter of most surveys), but approval ratings aren’t.
If you just take government approval from those who have expressed a voting preference (which isn’t a meaningful thing to do, but it explains the apparent discrepancy) then you get a small positive number, which is roughly what you’d expect given that the coalition partners still have a thin majority of voters between them.
@ 6
“There is a 4th group, lib dem converts people attracted to lib dems because they have entered coalition and therefore responsibility. It is wrong to think that all the traffic is an outward flow.”
Not to mention people who want a Conservative prime minister but feel ashamed about voting Tory. Most of those would probably have otherwise voted Conservative in the end anyway, but a fair few would otherwise be non-voters or even reluctant Labour voters.
9
“Not to mention people who want a Conservative prime minister but feel ashamed about voting Tory.”
People who voted for Tony Blair you mean….?
@ 10,
Some of them, yes.
I voted Lib Dem for a few years, in disgust at the Iraq War. Now they have disgusted me with the libertarian attack on the welfare state, I shan’t be voting for them again.
clm @8 – thanks for that explanation.
Paul Smith@6 – “There is a 4th group, lib dem converts people attracted to lib dems because they have entered coalition and therefore responsibility. It is wrong to think that all the traffic is an outward flow”.
The article identifies three groups which are about 10% (lost) and 5-6% each (anxious, and content) of the whole electorate. I haven’t seen any evidence that the 4th group is a large one. But their potential/hypothetical existence is noted in the discussion of how the LibDem left’s argument could in theory be countered by the LibDem right; if this 4th group are a very significant group, the party could be perfectly sanguine about the lost and anxious LibDem voters of May 2010. If not, they might be less sanguine.
It would be interesting if somebody has looked into the detail of info about the amount of churn to and from the LibDems.
The lost/anxious/content pattern reflects how LibDem voters before the election were more likely to describe themselves as left or centre-left (43%) than centrist (29%) and much more than centre-right or right (9%). And LibDem voters were more likely to describe the party as left or centre-left (39%) than centrist (33%) or especially centre-right or right (5%) … It will be interesting to see how similar/different those results are in future
This led my colleague Tim Horton to suggest (in the week ahead of the Coalition being formed) that it was probable “that somewhere between a third and a half of Lib Dem voters could find themselves alienated if Clegg teams up with the Tories”.
http://www.leftfootforward.org/2010/05/lib-con-coalition-would-be-an-electoral-gift-to-labour/
@13
I used to be a Lib Dem voter. But I tend to think that in recent years the top of the party has been taken over by a small clique of right wing ‘Orange Book’ types, who are unrepresentative of most of the party members and voters.
@2:
> I imagine it would be a large % of the “lost” LibDems, with the majority being left of centre voters who voted LD to keep the Tory out in their constituency and fewer being Tories voting LD to keep Labour out.
There’s also a least-of-three-evils contingent, whose real sympathies would lie with some fourth party but who voted LD to keep Labour AND Tories out. On the other hand, I don’t know how many of those were left by May 2010: they mostly came from the Left, so their high noon was in 2005. If still voting for the least-evil by 2010 they’d probably have gone with Labour over the Cleggies.
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- Liberal Conspiracy
What can Libdems and Labour learn from changing polls? http://bit.ly/duOR3n
- sunny hundal
Excellent article by @nextleft on what Libdems and Labour can learn from the changing polls http://bit.ly/duOR3n
- What can Libdems and Labour learn from changing polls? | Liberal … | The Daily Conservative
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- Pucci Dellanno
RT @libcon: What can Libdems and Labour learn from changing polls? http://bit.ly/duOR3n
- Sunder Katwala
RT @sunny_hundal: Excellent article by @nextleft on what Libdems and Labour can learn from the changing polls http://bit.ly/duOR3n
- Sunder Katwala
@OllyGrender @blueskysinking with share halved, polls also show about half of still loyal LibDems pretty anxious too http://bit.ly/9CbAqM
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