How the Libdem ‘pupil premium’ vanished into thin air
The pupil premium is a good idea. on Next Left we raised two cheers for Nick Clegg’s flagship policy, pending the missing funding details.
The pledge was to protect the schools budget in real terms, and find “additional” money for the premium, with it being made very clear 10 days ago that this was “additional” from outside the DFES budget.
Unfortunately, the pledge that the funding would be “additional” to the DFES budget got lost between a major speech on the Friday before last and Wednesday’s CSR.
Some people are in denial about this and some aren’t. Compare and contrast.
Clegg secures £7 billion pupil premium as addition to schools budget, 16th Oct.
Today Clegg repeatedly described the funds for his fairness premium as “additional” – making clear he wants the money to come mostly from outside the education department rather than merely outside the schools budget by cutting “non-essential” education projects such as youth clubsand after-school activities, as had been suggested.
As Allegra Stratton reported, Clegg cleared this use of additional with Osborne – and with Cameron’s blessing – but it came as news to those further down in the Treasury process. Clegg had insisted that he had to make the speech on the final Friday (before the details were settled) as the last possible “good news” moment before all of the attention turned to the cuts announcement.
Clegg clearly expected Osborne’s clearance for the public commitment to entail a commitment to honour it. Alas, not.
Yesterday the Guardian reported Michael Gove admitting the pupil premium was not new money
“At the moment we’re consulting on how the people premium, which is the additional money, the additional £2.5bn that we’ve made available for the poorest students, will be allocated, and it depends precisely on whether or not we allow the people premium to go to slightly more children, or we target it very narrowly on the very poorest. Depending on that, you can then make a calculation about which schools will find that they’re actually losing funding, and which schools will find that they’re gaining funding.”He later insisted that though “quite a bit” of the £2.5bn will come from the welfare reforms announced last week: “Some of it comes from within the Department for Education budget, yes.” He insisted that the schools budget safeguarded and that the savings would come from elsewhere in the DfE’s £67.3bn, which also funds children’s services and support for families and older teenagers.
And contrast that with the supremely creative accounting of former LibDem Chief Secretary David Laws. Laws explains how he did it in yesterday’s Guardian – Why I’m proud of the pupil premium
Some people have tried to make mischief by claiming that the pupil premium is not additional money. This is nonsense. Without the pupil premium, I suspect that the budget for schools would have been based on a per pupil cash freeze for the period up to 2015. That would have meant a real cut in schools funding over the next few years. Instead, schools funding will rise by 0.1% (above inflation) each year until 2015 – that is a major achievement when the budgets of some departments are being cut by as much as a third. This is also a real-terms guarantee which the last Labour government was not able to make … It would, however, be a terrible mistake to think that the main purpose of the pupil premium is to protect schools from cuts.
This is ludicrous. Laws claims that the pupil premium is additional money by hypothesising that there would have been a 9% real terms schools budget cut without it (despite the separate pledge to protect the schools budget).
He then claims that the schools budget is pretty much exactly the same (a smidgeon higher) in real terms, in order to support an argument that the purpose of the premium is not to protect schools from cuts, at the same time as arguing that this is precisely what it has done.
Yet Laws’ sleight of hand doesn’t stop there.
Schools funding is down in real terms, overall, since the 0.1% real terms increase applies only to current spending, with schools capital spending down by as much as 60%. And per-pupil funding will certainly fall since the increase in projected pupil numbers is much greater than the “real terms” current spending increase anyway.
Laws writes that he would like the pupil premium to rise to £5 billion a year in the next Parliament. Again, a laudable goal. But his current methods would suggest there is little or no barrier to achieving that overnight, by simply moving the furniture around again, albeit with a very limited impact on disadvantaged students.
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A longer version is at Next Left
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Sunder Katwala is a regular contributor to Liberal Conspiracy. He is secretary-general of the Fabian Society. Also at: Next Left
· Other posts by Sunder Katwala
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Reader comments
Didn’t the Tories promise a pupil premium too?
As such I don’t really see how this is a Lib Dem victory at all. That would be like saying Lib Dems achieved a concession from the Tories by not cancelling the Olympics.
It’s a nonsense.
Add to that that the Lib Dem promise was that it would be extra cash – and the tory promise said no such thin – this is clearly not a concession to the Lib Dems in any way shape or form.
Their attempts at party differentiation are flailing badly.
I would just like to challenge the consensus view that a pupil premium *targeted at children receiving free school meals* is a good idea.
My wife teaches in an inner-city primary in one of the most deprived areas in the country. *Eligibility* for free school meals is around 80%; but *take-up* of free school meals is around 20%. This is for various reasons, some of them related to the nature of the school’s mainly Asian and East European, often new-to-English intake: difficulty with form-filling, reluctance to claim ‘charity’ (yes, dear Tory trolls, some immigrants actually *aren’t* sponging layabouts looking for every handout they can get!), kids not liking the food or parents worrying it’s not halal, etc.
My wife therefore expects her school’s budget to plummet once the pupil premium is introduced; that money will be siphoned off to schools with fewer disadvantaged pupils, a higher proportion of whom claim the free school meals they’re entitled to.
This isn’t a wholly new problem – free school meals take-up is a notoriously blunt instrument for measuring the level of deprivation in a school or area – but the pupil premium will actually make things worse for some disadvataged children.
@ G.O.
But presumably the pupil premium will go to schools based on eligibility for free school meals rather than how many are eaten?
More broadly, I am not concerned about where the money for the PP has come from but about the potential benefit it could bring and this greatly depends on how it is allocated. If all it does is increase the budget available to your wife’s school, that is unlikely to change much.
We need a mechanism to allow the additional funding to follow the individual pupil creating a broader range of schools with a broader social mix- that is what would really help the disadvantaged kids.
G.O
Not sure how eligibility will work as a measure. Presumably only those who apply can be classified as eligible as the government won’t know otherwise.
That raises questions in places like Newham where the council is trying to find the money to keep school meals free. This was once set up for primary schools (where, coincidentally, the pupil premium would have by far and away the biggest impact on educational outcomes) with a view to extending it further.
But such a scheme means no one applies for eligibility – and so presumably under such a scheme no pupil premium could be paid.
@1: Didn’t the Tories promise a pupil premium too?
Yes they did, page 53 of their manifesto: “That is why we will introduce a pupil premium – extra funding for children from disadvantaged backgrounds.”
Phil
That’s what I thought. So not a Lib Dem policy success at all.
It is alarming how little they seem to have got in the coalition deal. I know they are the prop rather than thye propped – but even so, they hardly seem to have bargained at all. It seems more like they were invited to see some nice offices and melted at the thought of woring in them for five years.
Yet again smoke and mirrors to disguise policies drafted on the back of Dave and Nicks fag packets!
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