contribution by Simon Fanshawe & Danny Sriskandarajah
Last week we published a report through ippr suggesting that we really did need to catch up in our approach to identity and how we foster diversity and tackle inequality.
Our central point was to question the belief that our identities any longer fit neatly into ‘tick boxes’ or that equality issues fit neatly into ‘strands’. Doing this produces a simplistic and sometimes false picture of disadvantage.
It runs the risk of patronising those in the previously disadvantaged groups who do not feel that their aspirations and achievements are any longer foreshortened by the mere fact of being black or disabled or gay or whatever.
And, worse than that, an approach to equalities that is based solely on ‘minorities’ risks excluding further those in the broader population who already feel that they are not being listened to. It is not so difficult to join the dots from this kind of political approach to one of the reasons why people vote BNP.
What has been most encouraging is that the reaction to the report has been overwhelmingly positive.
There is absolute evidence that in certain situations certain groups experience persistent bias. But discrimination, while it may still be an every day event is no longer an all day event.
We have reached the position where the very categorisations that we have relied on to understand equalities challenges (for example ‘black’, ‘Asian’, ‘gay’ or ‘disabled’) tell us less than ever about who people are, what lives they lead, who they identify with or what services they need from government and society.
For example, ethnic categories such as ‘black African’ hide such huge differences that they become almost pointless.
Overall some 66 per cent of black African-born people in the UK were employed in 2005/06 but Ghanaian-born people had an employment rate of 80 per cent while Somalia-born people had a rate of around 20 per cent.
To be blunt poverty and class will always trump identity when it comes to real disadvantage.
We must design our public services to be accurate in tackling discrimination where that is the problem, but where it is not, to deliver services to individuals, without making assumptions about their need and lives. If we can personalise public services, then we can personalise our approach to equality.
There is a long way to go before we achieve anything like true equality in the UK but we have no chance of getting there until we drop our simplistic, tick-box approach to how disadvantage and discrimination work in society.
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‘You can’t put me in a box’ by Simon Fanshawe and Dhananjayan Sriskandarajah was published this week by the Institute for Public Policy Research.
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What has been most encouraging is that the reaction to the report has been overwhelmingly positive
Good, because from your precis it sounds far more progressive than the current ethos pursued by Labour. It boils down to the (dreaded by New labour) line of “from each according to their ability, to each according to their needs” (n.b needs, not wants). Identity politics pursued in a narrow and ’siloed’ fashion hampers this.Look at someone’s needs, not their skin colour,gender etc. The inequalities born of racism, sexism,disablism etc are best tackled with a needs approach rather than an overly broad-brush, label-affixing approach which views people through just one prism at a time, ignoring the many facets and angles to any individual’s identity. Rather than shoe-horning people into category x,y,or z, address their needs.
So..do we want new labels on the boxes or no boxes at all? Since identity has become such an eclectic and highly nuanced concept, a course of in-depth analytical identity-characterisation interviews could be undertaken by a trained diversity professional whenever information on identity is required; resulting in a precise set of identometric positional coordinates defined relative to their positions on the various ethnic, gender, sexuality, cultural, religious, dietary, political, favourite soap, geographic, physically proportioned, ableness, handedness, health, drug-dependency level, hairstyle, piercing, moral, immoral, obsessiveness,margarine or butter, favourite film, favourite Bond, fashion sense…blah..blah…fuckin blah…axes. These professionals would have demonstrated a high degree of competence in the field before being loosed on a ‘live’ identity point…I’d recommend anyone aspiring to such a role to consider a diploma from the Sunny Hundal School of Advanced Offence Taking on Behalf of People Who’d Rather You Didn’t Bother.
Of course our first priority should be to improve public services and focus on the needs of those groups of aliens in the population with only 20% in employment. The public service being immigration control and the need being repatriation to developing mother countries in need of their drive and industry.
How come Somali born people only have an employment rate of 20%?
It can’t be still about them not being allowed to work because of their immigration status can it? That status must have been resolved by now for a majority of that community.
4. In a yearly statistic it certainly can be about their migrant status. If it *isn’t* then that’s precisely why the thinking pushed by the authors of this article is a good idea, so that we can find the real causes of inequality, not miss it behind inappropriate labels.
As someone working driving to wharehousing and distribution centers in the last several years, I have seen how guys from West Africa put themselves out there on the industrial estates and do lots of minimum wage jobs.
Like on the security gates of these premises.
Long shifts, checking the trucks in and out.
And they (if it doesn’t seem too patronising) engage with the other workers, and you chat and get to know each other after a short while.
If people from Somalia don’t want to do these basic kinds of jobs – what are you supposed to do? Try to get them off the khat?
Well banning it might be a start.
I suspect situations are also worse regarding education and social expectations, for example, in Somalia where there is a war versus Ghana where there hasn’t been for some time.
I suspect that most Somalis who arrive here are ‘economic migrants’ in the sense ‘refugees’; most Ghanaian immigrants, particularly since about 1992, have definitely been ‘economic migrants’ in the sense of choosing to migrate for economic reasons.
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