The real questions we should ask Mr Hague over Europe
LibCon reported that Labour MP Denis MacShane sent an email to journalists attacking William Hague, following the latter’s claims in the Mail on Sunday that David Miliband and Labour “spend their time trying to orchestrate a ruthless smear campaign against the Conservative Party’s allies in the European Parliament.”
Now, MacShane’s attacks on the Tories’ European alliance have not, in my view, been at all effective, and the emailed list of questions is also fundamentally wrong-headed. The questions are intemperate, and each take a ‘When did you stop beating your wife?’ type format, for instance:
4. Does he [Hague] support kaminski’s homophobic language?
6. Will hague be joining his new friends in Latvia when they commemorate the Waffen SS?
10. Does he agree with the Economist that he has created a “shoddy, shameful alliance” with Kaminski and Vile?
This type of non-serious questioning is counter-productive: it only aids the Tory counter-claim that Kaminski and others are the victims of a baseless smear campaign. If interest in the details of the Conservatives’ Euro alliance dies a premature death, or the public and media swing decisively behind the Tories’ narrative, it will be because of misjudged attacks like this.
And that would be an unforgivable failure on Labour’s part, because there are far more important questions that should be put before the Conservatives – questions that they will also find considerably more difficult to field.
For instance, Sunder Katwala has carefully exposed how Michal Kaminski has repeatedly contradicted himself when describing the details of his political history, and made numerous claims that simply do not cohere with the evidence.
E.g., Kaminski told the Observer he ‘never opposed’ a Polish apology for the Jewadbne massacre, but now admits that he did campaign publicly against it, in the face of TV footage showing that he did so. Likewise, he has changed his story over his wearing of a fascist symbol, the Chobry Sword.
Hence, inter alia, Hague should be asked:
* What explains the contradictions between the various versions of Michal Kaminski’s political history that he has given to the British press?
* What action has been taken by the Conservative Party to determine which of the versions of his political history submitted by Michal Kaminski to the British press is the correct one?
* Has Michal Kaminski contradicted, in any of his media interviews and appearances since becoming leader of the European Conservatives and Reformists group, information that he gave to the Conservative Party as part of their vetting of him, prior to his assuming the leadership?
* Does the Conservative Party believe it is compatible with Kaminski’s remaining on as leader of the ECR that he has been found not to have told the truth about his past? If so, why?
Leaving Kaminski to one side now, and following my own investigations into another Conservative ally – anti-gay Lithuanian MEP Valdemar Tomasevski – here are some further questions for Hague and the Tories:
* Why did Conservative MEPs, unlike their Labour and Lib Dem counterparts, refuse to support a European Parliamentary resolution, in September of this year, to criticise Lithuania for its passing of a law banning public discussion of homosexuality that has been condemned by Amnesty and other human rights watchdogs as an abuse of LGBT and young people’s human rights?
* What assurances can the Conservatives provide that their decision not to support the resolution criticising Lithuania was not in any way influenced by their alliance with Lithuanian MEP Valdemar Tomesevski, who is a supporter of the law in question, personally voted for it in his national parliament before becoming a MEP, and is on record as having described homosexuality as a ‘perversion’?
* What assurances can the Conservatives give that their positions on homosexuality, and a raft of other human rights issues arising at the European level, will not in future be decided, in whole or in part, by considerations of loyalty to their socially illiberal new allies in the ECR?
These are just some of the questions to which the Conservatives must be pressed for answers.
It would be an injustice if they are allowed to evade them because of ineffectual blustering from Denis MacShane and others.
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Reader comments
So we’re up to 17 questions now!
Meanwhile, in the non-blogging world…
OK T. Rex
You can have the bone…..
I’m sure a vote will appear at some point in the EP that will fracture the ECR. The questions are ‘when’ and ‘on what’.
Another question: how do you square the fact that you are against the Lisob treaty and the leader of your new grouping isn’t?
“Why did Conservative MEPs, unlike their Labour and Lib Dem counterparts, refuse to support a European Parliamentary resolution, in September of this year, to criticise Lithuania for its passing of a law banning public discussion of homosexuality that has been condemned by Amnesty and other human rights watchdogs as an abuse of LGBT and young people’s human rights?”
Possibly because this is a matter of national, not European, policy-making, and therefore they feel that it is not their place to interfere? To take another, random, example, I do not remember any MEPs commenting on the Italian withdrawal of immunity from Mr Burlesconi, as this was a national issue also.
“What assurances can the Conservatives provide that their decision not to support the resolution criticising Lithuania was not in any way influenced by their alliance with Lithuanian MEP Valdemar Tomesevski, who is a supporter of the law in question, personally voted for it in his national parliament before becoming a MEP, and is on record as having described homosexuality as a ‘perversion’?”
See above. National soverignity is a sufficient explanation.
“What assurances can the Conservatives give that their positions on homosexuality, and a raft of other human rights issues arising at the European level, will not in future be decided, in whole or in part, by considerations of loyalty to their socially illiberal new allies in the ECR?”
At European level? Last time I checked, the European Parliament did not have soveriegnity over these issues.
As it happens, the questions on Michael Kaminski are more sensible than the badly typed hysterics of Mr McShane, although I think you will find the answer would be that the Conservative Party are taking Mr Kaminski on his word, and have no grounds to doubt it. However, it is hard to see how questions which are essentially about due diligence procedures will have any impact on electoral fortunes. As I have stated before, the Labour party has its own former extremists (if Ken Livingston can be called former in this case…) and its European allies include people with equally shady pasts as Mr Kaminski; some of them actually serving in or under totalitarian administrations of the sort Mr Kaminski clearly opposed. So the more this becomes about ‘how far can you trust this man has changed?’ the more the issue can be a case of shooting yourself in the foot. What this is basically boiling down to is one bunch of people asking another bunch do they actually trust someone else. If we ignore the attempts to conflate the idiocies of Lithuanian politics with European policy (a given for a party committed to a Europe of independent nations), then there is no real issue here. How much political capital is there in saying the Conservatives are allied in Europe to a man who during Communism was a member of a party which has since become clearly neo-Nazi, and sometimes uses inappropriate language.
There is probably plenty for those who believe in European federalism to criticise the Conservatives on. Perhaps it might be more productive to focus on these things and have an actual political debate.
Sunny,
“Another question: how do you square the fact that you are against the Lisob treaty and the leader of your new grouping isn’t?”
Would this be the same man you have been suggesting is a neo-Nazi and homophobe? Do you really want to align your point of view with his and show the Conservatives having a different one? Think lines of attack through…
“At European level? Last time I checked, the European Parliament did not have soveriegnity over these issues”
Are you seriously trying to suggest Tory MEPs do not take a position on matters under individual state jurisdiction? If so can you tell us when this policy was introduced?
@7
I’m saying that the shadow foreign secretary, (to whom the questions would be addressed) may have more sense than to suggest that his own parties MEPs start interfering in the affairs of another state. Look at the mess our actual foreign secretary has created with Latvia by only commenting on the actions of its politicians. If the question was would you agree with or oppose this measure in Britain, a far better question to ask, then I suspect Mr Hague would have to say oppose.
In all honesty, I’ve seen no sign of any MEPs respecting the boundaries of the European Parliments compotence in their personal statements (which is perfectly legitimate I suppose), but there is a difference between that and signing a parlimentary motion which is outside of that parliment’s compotence. That is gesture politics at best, and outside interference at worst.
Reactions: Twitter, blogs
- Liberal Conspiracy » Cameron’s Lithuanian ally: Children need protection from ‘evil’ of homosexuality
[...] ensure that the Conservatives are pressed for answers to these questions, which I asked on LibCon earlier this week: * Why did Conservative MEPs, unlike their Labour and Lib Dem counterparts, refuse to support a [...]
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[...] Soho Politico recently laid out a series of questions Mr Hague should answer on their EU allies, but have repeatedly been [...]
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