You are being watched
Surveillance, it seems to me, comes in two categories differentiated by purpose; that is, all surveillance efforts will fulfill one, or both in some mixture, of two purposes. The first is the easiest, and the most etymologically obvious: surveillance is investigative.
A typical example of such surveillance work would be a phone tap. You initiate a phone tap to find out things you didn’t know before; it is an investigative tool. But it is worth noting that this investigative function for surveillance is effective precisely in so far as it is covert; a subject aware of observation behaves differently.
This, of course, is the rationale behind armed guards in front of public buildings, and bobbies walking a beat: “showing the uniform”. The pre-supposition is that highly visible surveillance will act as a deterrent.
Such surveillance is therefore distinct from investigative surveillance in both function and form. CCTV cameras watch our streets dumbly and permanently; I’ve worked a CCTV monitoring job for Winchester City Council. We had a forensic role; if an incident occurred on camera we could work to gather effective evidence by focusing on faces and recording time-stamp data. But primarily CCTV cameras function as a deterrent; don’t rob here, you’ll get caught on camera. This is their function on the Tube, on the buses, in corner shops and pubs.
I establish these categories explicitly because I want to consider the evolving role of state surveillance over the last fifteen years in the light of these distinctions. We have seen a huge expansion of publicly, rather than privately, owned CCTV cameras.
We have seen the return of the street bobby, the copper on a push bike, Community Policing. We have seen the development, evolution and eventual prime-time prominence of the organisation known as FIT. We’ve also seen the growth of organisations which attempt to track, monitor or control traffic flows on the internet.
We have seen massively more frequent use of phone monitoring, we’ve seen undercover agent provocateur operations which offer thousands of pounds to recruit citizen surveillance officers, or what we would have called “secret police informants” during the Cold War, if we’d spotted the godless Commies at it.
FIT are a specifically interesting case to follow. They grow in the shadows cast by the Territorial Support Groups, and like most things that grow in the dark they’re knee-deep in shit. Both police groups are, in inception, explicitly class warriors: both were created to suppress increasingly organised expressions of working-class disillusion and rage.
And initially they were an investigative force. They operated covertly. They identified and documented the activities of over a thousand violent criminals. Unfortunately, they also documented and spied on several thousand innocent football supporters.
They soon morphed into something new; FIT surveillance became a highly visible, highly politicised and in-your-face feature of public order policing.
What’s all this here?
I was taken aside at the point when I asked for the warrant by about five FIT officers. Had a camera pointed in my face and photo taken. Held onto and surrounded and shouted at.
So writes James Lloyd, a Climate Camp legal observer on 2nd April 2009. This is not investigative surveillance; for a start, this guy is in an orange tabard marked Legal Observer, his name and two phone numbers are registered with police command and he is, in fact, carrying a Police Liason identification.
What are they doing? If it’s not investigation, it must be deterrence. The aim is to send a very clear message; you are being watched. We are doing it. We don’t care if you know. You will be watched, your privacy will be invaded, and there is nothing you can do. This is the action of a group who are actively attempting to stop something.
In fact, when you look beyond FIT at public surveillance of political dissent it is almost universally not investigative. It’s not about finding out who disagrees with the government: the government knows that, we’re all shouting about it on the internet, or going to protests with placards. The behaviour of FIT, the police threatening people with non-applicable laws to try and force identification data out of them, the CCTV cameras…
Contextualise all of these things with Section 58, and the abuses of s44 to harrass customers of an Indian restaraunt (who were overheard talking about Climate Camp). Consider the underlying ideology revealed by combining inner-city CCTV installations with speaker systems: a phantom of control which recalls both Orwell and John Clees in Clockwise.
Then think about more recent developments such as the worryingly authoritarian approach to any voicing of dissent during the Olympics. A clear picture develops of the motivations and purpose behind public policy surveillance measures.
They are not about finding out, or proving, anything. These multi-billion pound initiatives are about passing on a message to anyone who thinks dissent is permissible. The message is: We are watching you. Your home is not your castle. You have been warned.
———–
This article was originally written for PSUK and appears here by permission of the editors. ]
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This is a guest post. John Q Publican is a real ale landlord, a Druid and a great fan of Spider Robinson. He has travelled widely and grew up in Sub-Saharan Africa. He is committed to making Britain better by persuasion, education and political action.
· Other posts by John Q Publican
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Reader comments
“…worryingly authoritarian…” link returns an error.
Not only Olympic surveillance however. The Olympic nomenklatura get their own traffic lanes as they whizz in convoys between East and Central London.
In case ‘they’ are reading this, I for one, welcome our Olympic overlords and wish them God speed on their journeys…
Excellent piece, John. The sole purpose of much of this erosion of our liberties is to reinforce the hold of those with power. It’s not to combat terrorism,organised crime, offences against children or whatever the bogeyman de jour is. A fearful population is a pliant one, and super-surveillance inhibits and instils obedience, while those with power escape any effective scrutiny and surveillance themselves.
Link was, for some reason, clogged up with the first few lines of the article. Pruned it looks as follows:
http://www.mattwardman.com/blog/official-harassment-of-photographers-in-the-uk-i-have-a-little-list/
Excellent articles, both.
Another excellent, high-quality piece from The Publican.
I’d just suggest one, tiny, refinement though: explore the way “deterrence” becomes “intimidation”.
That is, what FIT teams do is more than just deter protest. They actively seek to intimidate – and that is profoundly worrying.
What I’m getting at is that there are many situations when society might think it perfectly legitimate for the police to “deter” certain kinds of behaviour. Of course, I (and I suspect you) don’t believe protest is one such case…so that FIT teams’ purpose is to deter legal protest in a free democracy is, as you point out, worrying. But when we’re just talking about deterrence, it looks like a case of the powers that be simply making a mistake about what it is appropriate to deter with state power.
But when the deterrence goes further and becomes outright intimidation – as anyone who has observed a FIT team in action knows it does – then it becomes something altogether more troublesome than just a mistake about what needs to be deterred. It becomes the state actively and purposefully intimidating its own citizenry.
a subtle distinction, but I think there’s something important in it…but as I said, a minor point.
whoops – link sorted
@ 2&4:
Thank you.
Alisdair Cameron @2:
It’s not to combat terrorism,organised crime, offences against children or whatever the bogeyman de jour is
Yes indeed. Fear is in the interests of government. The myth of the bearded furriner with the IED in his rucksack is too convenient to both the militant Wahabbist and the authoritarian Western plutocrat for either group to let it melt in the face of evidence.
Pagar @4:
But when the deterrence goes further and becomes outright intimidation – as anyone who has observed a FIT team in action knows it does – then it becomes something altogether more troublesome than just a mistake about what needs to be deterred. It becomes the state actively and purposefully intimidating its own citizenry.
This had me thinking for quite some time, for which, thank you.
The conundrum I’m thinking about is to do with Venn diagrams of aggression. Deterrence, to me, seems to include intimidation: again, the example of speakers under CCTV cameras. “Pick up that litter!”, “Don’t open that can of Fosters!”, “Cross the street now so that white girl isn’t scared of you!”. This attitude is designed to prevent a behaviour by making it unmistakeable that the subject is being watched. The threat of future penalty is an intimidation and thus a deterrence, just like taking your children to the auto da fe used to be.
However, you’re also right that in terms of people like FIT, there are two distinct elements to their work. Just making it apparent that you are being watched and documented would be enough to give a pause for thought to any serious lawbreaker: I’m thinking of serial arsonists and the kind of person who shoots abortionists here. If they’re watching you, they will have the evidence needed to convict beyond reasonable doubt. FIT getting right up in your face is indeed something different.
But your last line gives me problems.
The very definition of a state is an organisation which purposefully intimidates its own citizenry; with a standing army, with tax collectors, with bailiffs, with armoured paramilitaries on Bishopsgate. That’s what states do. But I recognise that you’re speaking at a practical level rather than a philosphical one; so it’s about “contractual” intimidations (I accept that laws against theft are good for everyone so government intimidations are done with my/the electorates’ sanction) and unilateral ones (political dissent is legal, but not in the interests of a specific group of governing political figures, who have chosen to use the contractual mechanism of intimidation on dissenters).
This is not, in my analysis, about the government making a mistake regarding who it can contractually intimidate; it’s about our political establishment having completely forgotten that its habitual intimidations are consensual at all. They take the power for granted, as it were: which is why “safe seat” should be an oxymoron in any democracy.
People are doing something the government don’t like (speeding, burglary, vast-scale international theft and fraud, political protest). It is habitual for those in government to respond with armoured paramilitary force to people doing things the government doesn’t like [1]. So they used that force, having forgotten that popular consent is required.
As NightJack and I have both independently argued, this was a feature of early policing in the UK and has returned since Thatcher figured out (using the miners and the hippies as test groups) how to get away with it.
[1] Except international theft and fraud, which gets preferential treatment and a fucking huge taxpayer-backed loan which is then used to pay direct bonuses: yes I’m bitter.
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- Liberal Conspiracy
Article: You are being watched http://bit.ly/HK7B9
- Liberal Conspiracy
Article: You are being watched http://bit.ly/HK7B9
- sciamachy
John Q Publican writes in Liberal Conspiracy: http://is.gd/2ajtb
Interesting point.
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